Dhruv Rathee, a prominent content creator, has recently released a video titled ‘Is India becoming a DICTATORSHIP?’, which has gained significant attention on social media platforms, particularly on YouTube, with over 13 million views. The viral video critically examines concerns surrounding Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party’s ‘One Nation, One Party’ ideology. It highlights instances of media control, horse-trading of MLAs, and the alleged misuse of enforcement agencies against opposition leaders, ultimately suggesting that India is heading towards a ‘dictatorship’ under Modi’s leadership.
However, it is important to note that during his two terms as Prime Minister, Modi has displayed a leadership style that is accommodating and somewhat indecisive. Unlike leaders such as Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, or Indira Gandhi, he does not possess authoritarian tendencies. In fact, despite being an undisputed leader of his party and securing two consecutive Lok Sabha terms, Modi has often shown hesitancy or willingness to compromise. He is not one to forcefully push through decisions without considering resistance, demonstrating a sense of statecraft or a genuine desire to govern a diverse and complex nation like India.
I will enumerate some of those instances here:–
1.The collegium system remains unreformed
Narendra Modi implemented a significant reform in the judiciary shortly after assuming office as Prime Minister for the first time. The National Judicial Appointments Commission Bill 2014 was introduced in the Lok Sabha on 11 August 2014 with the aim of revamping India’s judicial appointment process and modifying the collegium system. It was subsequently passed by both houses of Parliament, receiving endorsement from over 20 state legislatures. The objective of this bill was to diversify the appointment of Judges in the Supreme Court and High Courts, involving the judiciary, executive, and eminent individuals, while ensuring transparency, accountability, and objectivity in the process.
However, the Supreme Court’s five-judge bench declared the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act and the 99th Constitutional Amendment unconstitutional. Their argument was based on the preservation of the judiciary’s independence from government influence, which they deemed as a fundamental aspect of the Constitution. The Act, which aimed to involve politicians and civil society in the appointment of judges, was struck down by a 4:1 judgment in order to safeguard “judicial independence.”
This ruling effectively brought an end to Modi’s judicial reform agenda. He did not make any further attempts to reintroduce the bill or advocate for changes to the Collegium system. A single setback resulted in the withdrawal of a significant reform agenda. Despite the fact that the decision of just four judges overruled the will of the people, as reflected in Parliament and 20 state legislatures, Modi chose to abide by the rule book and respect the institutions from the very beginning.
2.The death of farm laws:
In 2020, the Modi administration made an attempt to bring about changes in the agricultural sector through the introduction of three farm laws. These laws included The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. The objective behind these laws was to enable direct sales by farmers outside of Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMCs) without state taxes, promote contract farming, deregulate the trade of certain commodities (except during emergencies), and enhance trade freedom and farmer independence.
However, the farmers expressed their discontent and protested against these new laws. They argued that the laws were intended to encourage trade outside of APMCs, which would lead to a decrease in government purchases in mandis, render the Minimum Support Price (MSP) system irrelevant, and disrupt their guaranteed income. The protests primarily involved farmers from Punjab, Haryana, and Western Uttar Pradesh, who blocked major roads leading to New Delhi. Eventually, the government yielded to the pressure and halted the implementation of these laws, which had the potential to modernize Indian agriculture.
3.Did not exert excessive pressure for land acquisition.
In 2015, the Modi government introduced the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Amendment) Bill with the aim of simplifying the land acquisition process for industries. However, due to strong opposition from political allies, competitors, and civil society organizations, the government made the decision to withdraw crucial amendments to the bill. These amendments specifically involved the removal of the consent and social impact assessment clauses, which had previously made land acquisition for industries challenging under the 2013 legislation. Prior to its final passage in the Lok Sabha, nine amendments were made to the bill. This setback proved significant for Modi, as he has not made any further attempts to reintroduce these changes. As a result, the process of acquiring industrial land in India continues to be slow, as the Modi government prioritized consensus over swift action.
4.Citizenship Amendment Act: Legislation Enacted but Yet to be Enforced
The Citizenship Act of 1955 was modified by the government, leading to the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in 2019. This amendment was introduced to provide assistance to individuals who migrated to India from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh due to religious persecution in their home countries. Previously, individuals belonging to the Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, and Christian communities who entered India without proper documentation or overstayed their permitted duration faced challenges in obtaining Indian citizenship. The CAA aims to simplify the citizenship process for those who arrived in India on or before 31 December 2014, allowing them to become citizens under more lenient regulations. Consequently, these individuals will no longer be considered illegal and can permanently reside in India. Despite being passed by Parliament and published in the Gazette, the government has yet to establish the necessary rules, possibly due to widespread anger and protests. Consequently, no one has been granted citizenship under the amended act up to this point.
5.Uniform Civil Code:
The Modi government has not made any efforts to push forward the Uniform Civil Code, despite it being a part of the BJP manifesto for a long time. This hesitance is attributed to fears of facing opposition, which has made the issue too controversial to address directly. However, the recent decision by the Uttarakhand government to approve a bill for the UCC implementation suggests that the Union government is carefully evaluating public sentiment and possible resistance before introducing a nationwide law. This approach can be seen as democratic, can’t it?
6.Rohini Commission: A Sensitive Issue That Raises Concerns
In October 2017, a notification was issued to establish the Commission for Other Backward Classes with the aim of examining the sub-categorisation of OBCs. The chairperson of this commission was Justice G Rohini, a retired Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court. In August 2023, the Rohini Commission presented its final report to the President, which marked a significant milestone in addressing the intricacies of OBC classifications. Throughout the process, the commission requested 13 extensions before reaching the completion of its report. The sluggish progress of the commission and the government’s lack of action on the report indicate that the task of dividing OBCs into sub-categories is proving to be a challenging endeavor for the Modi government. This hesitation raises concerns about the government’s ability to provide decisive leadership.
7.”Postponed Dreams: The Delayed Implementation of Women’s Reservation”
The objective of this legislation is to allocate one-third of the seats in Lok Sabha and State Assemblies for women. Nevertheless, its execution depends on the upcoming Census and subsequent delimitation for seat distribution, thereby delaying its impact until the Lok Sabha elections of 2029 at the earliest. The government acknowledges the controversial nature of this matter and acknowledges that the effort to reach a consensus must persist even after the bill is passed by the legislative body.
8.Ram temple construction:
Modi’s influence is not evident in the recent construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. The government diligently adhered to the Supreme Court’s order before commencing the construction work. Furthermore, it is patiently awaiting court orders pertaining to the construction of temples in Mathura and Varanasi. This approach signifies a departure from the BJP era of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Lal Krishna Advani, and Murli Manohar Joshi, when the Babri Masjid was demolished in the presence of prominent party leaders. Under Modi’s leadership, the BJP demonstrates a greater commitment to upholding the law.